Washington, April 10, 2002
Distinguished Senators,

I have come here to voice what I believe is an urgently needed reminder.  That the war on terror can be won with clarity and
courage or lost with confusion and vacillation.

Seven months ago, on a clear day in the capital of freedom, I was given the opportunity to address you, the guardians of liberty. I will never forget that day - a day when words that will echo for ages pierced the conscience of the free world.

Words that lifted a spirits of an American nation that had been savagely attacked by evil.  Words that looked that evil straight in the eye and boldly declared that it would be utterly destroyed.  Most important, words that charted a bold coarse for victory.

Those words were not mine.  They were the words of the President of the United States.

In an historic speech to the world last September and with determined action in the crucial months that followed, President Bush and his administration outlined a vision that had the moral and strategic clarity necessary to win the war on terror.

The moral clarity emanated from an iron clad definition of terror and an impregnable moral truth.  Terrorism was understood to be the deliberate targeting of civillians in order to achieve political ends.  And it was always unjustifiable.  With a few powerful words, President Bush said all that needed to be said:  'Terrorism is never justified.' 

The strategic clarity emanated from the recognition that international terrorism depends on the support of sovereign states, and
that fighting it demands that these regimes be either deterred or dismantled.  In one clear sentence, President Bush expressed this principle:  'No distinction will be made between the terrorist and the regimes that harbor them.'

This moral and strategic clarity was applied with devastating effect to the Talaban regime in Afghanistan that supported Al-Qaeda terrorism.

No fault moral equivalence was drawn between the thousands of Afghan civilians who were the unintentional casualities of America's just war and the thousands of American civilians deliberately targeted on September 11.

No strategic confusion led America to persue Al-Qaeda terrorist while leaving the Taliban regime in place.

Soon after the war began, the American victory over the forces of terror in Afghanistan brought to light the third principle in the war on terror - namely, that the best way to defeat terror is to defeat it.

At first, this seemingly trite observation was not fully understood.  Contrary to popular belief the motivating force behind terror is neither desperation nor destitution.  It is hope - the hope of terrorists systematically brained washed by the ideologues who mani-pulate them that their savagery will break the will of their enemies and help them achieve their objectives - political, religious, or otherwise.

Defeat this hope and you defeat terrorism.  Convince terrorist, thier sponsors, and potential new recruits that terrorism will be thoroughly uprooted and severely punished and you will stop it cold in its tracts.

By adhering to these three principles - moral clarity, strategic clarity and the imperitive of victory - the forces of freedom, led by America, are well on their way to victory against terror from Afghanistan.

But that is only the first step in dismantling the global terrorist network.  The other terrorist regimes must now be rapidly dealt with in similar fashion.

Yet today, just seven months into the war, it is far from certain that this will be done. 

Faced with the quintessential terrorist regime of our time - a regime that both harbors and perpetrates terror on an unimaginable scale - the free world is muddling its principals, losing its nerve, and thereby indangering the successful persecution of this war.

The question many in my country are now asking is this:  Will America apply its principles consistenly and win this war, or will
it selectively abandon those principles and thereby ultimately lose the war?  My countrymen ask this question because they believe that terrorism is an indivisible evil and that the war against terror must be fought indivisibly.  They believe that if moral clarity is obfuscated, or if you allow one part of the terror network to survive, much less be rewarded for its crimes, then the
forces of terror will regroup and rise again.

Until last week, I was certain that the United States would adhere to its principles and lead the free world to a decisive victory.  Today, I too have my concerns.

I am concerned that when it comes to terror directed against Israel, the moral and strategic clarity that is so crucial for victory is being twisted beyond recognition.

I am concerned that the imperitive of defeating terror everywhere is being ignored when the main engine of Palestinian terror is to remain intact.
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